CNN, Columbus Dispatch tag team promote Kasich for 2020 POTUS run

It takes little research to realize that the Columbus Dispatch, out of all Ohio's Big Eight legacy newspaper, is the most likely to keep Ohio Gov. John Kasich's 2020 presidential run afloat.

A long time public relations machine for the now outbound, lame-duck governor, the very Republican newspaper devotes lots of column inches to what Kasich says on any given day. Whether he's "popping off," as he said he did when he called recent job numbers showing how bad the state is doing "fake news," or decrying politics and political parties, Ohio's so-called "Greatest Home Newspaper," follows his ever utterance, as it has since he first entered politics back in 1978.

Tag Team

Ohio Gov. John Kasich at the Ohio
Statehouse during his first term.

Now that Kasich won't be state CEO anymore in just nine short months, the role of cheer leading Kasich on seems to have fallen to "most trusted name in news," CNN. Kasich was one of 16 Republicans who tried and failed to topple 2016's non-traditional candidate, Donald Trump, but he seems to be the only big presidential loser CNN regularly offers Sunday cameo spots to, to ask him to weigh-in on domestic or foreign issues that have little if anything to do with Ohio, as they detour around his less than impressive record in office since 2010.

Basking in the limelight media afforded him, Kasich has got his TV rap down. A bare-knuckles politico his entire life, Kasich talks like he's no longer a politician, saying he's sick of politics, as if to buddy up with many in America who share the same thought. A life-long Republican who has walked the GOP pathway diligently for decades on lower taxes, less debt, fighting unions, standing against abortion and gay marriage while doing more to ease regulations than button them up, Kasich has one issue he owns, namely, expanding Medicaid in Ohio over the objections of the state's alt-right legislature that wanted to let low-income people in Ohio faced with health problems fend for themselves, to avoid the state's share of funding the federal/state health program from consuming a larger percentage of the two-year budget.

Democrats are complicit in giving Kasich the high-ground on the expansion, always referring to it now as "Kasich's expansion of Medicaid." These same Democrats, from the state party and its officials to Democrats running for various statewide offices or the legislature, seem unable to tie Kasich to busting public unions back in 2011. In his first year as governor, Ohio's 69th governor led the charge to enact SB 5 as him and his team threw themselves and a ton of resources into fending off a statewide referendum on the bill that broke 2-1 against the former Fox News channel TV host. Yet Kasich's name is never associated with SB 5, but he owns the admiration of Democrats when it comes to expanding Medicaid, a program he probably would have voted against had he been in congress in 1965 when President Lyndon Johnson got it passed because it created "dependency" on government, and he's not for that.

On a recent edition of CNN's "State of the Union" Sunday talk show, Kasich came on following a syrupy video endorsement by former Republican governor of California Arnold Schwarzenegger. The bodybuilder and adulterer wants Kasich to mount a third run for the White House by challenging Trump in 2020, should the New York real estate mogul and reality TV star still be president. Always wondering what the Lord has in store for him, Kasich man-handled show host Brianna Keilar like a cat plays with a mouse. Keiler thought the tough question to ask was if performance politician, who's honed his craft of bombastic commentary, intends to try to unseat Trump in the 2020 primary?

Headed for pasture, he risks being buried in the political graveyard once he leaves his perch as Ohio governor. Kasich, who has little interest in being governor these days, opined on Trump taking on new advisers, especially John Bolton. Keilar had no clue how poorly Ohio has performed under Kasich's control, where state schools fell from fifth to twenty-second in the nation, where tax cuts have only enriched the already wealthy leaving the state's median wage far below the national average, and where job creation has lagged the nation so much that Ohio today has fewer jobs than it did in 1980.

And so it is remembered, even though CNN and other media outlets have memory loss, John Kasich lost 49 state contests and only earned one Electoral College vote. He was the last candidate to bow out, but voters from the earliest states on were not enamored of Kasich as vote totals showed. Kasich stayed in the race because he knew that was the smart and political thing to do, even though his chances were less than nil to catch fire.

Kasich Lobbies To Guest Host SNL

3rd Rail Ohio, a right-of-center blog whose tag line says, "We touch what they won't," offered a stunningly funny story about Kasich secretly lobbying Saturday Night Live! executive producer Lorne Michaels to guest host the show. Kasich has claimed his low name ID, and lack of funds to boost his familiarity, was the reason he didn't do well in 2016. 3rd rail counters, saying he's unlikeable and has a mediocre record.

"While Kasich has been a fixture on the political shows, he is also trying to cross over into the pop culture scene, to 'be cool' and connect with millennials and that segment of the electorate that doesn’t watch Morning Joe and his girlfriend," wrote Cyndy Rees. "The results have thus far been, shall we say, mixed. But can you imagine Governor Kasich and his awkward Dad-jokes in an SNL monologue? Neither can we.  And, we’re guessing, neither can Lorne."

A new poll by Baldwin Wallace in Ohio shows Trump would smash kasich by 11 points if an election were held today. CNN and other reporters call him a "moderate" governor, based solely on his decision to expand Medicaid, a decision he made that differs greatly from why Democrats wanted it.

For Kasich, the allure of $2.5 billion coming to the state was too much to pass up, and since the state had no obligation to kick in a ten-percent share until he was out of office, the decision was even easier. For those that follow since boring budgetary items like Medicaid costs, Kasich used some of those federal tax dollars to fund more tax cuts, by shedding programs the state had funding out of general revenue and letting Medicaid pick up the tab. It was a win-win for him: he got lots of money and Democrats, not Republicans, applauded him, making him their hero.

SOA would love to hear from anyone who can show Kasich spending more than three words to compliment any Democrat like Dems do for him. Kasich's innate inability to speak of anyone other than himself is a good reason why he's not vice presidential timbre. Can anyone imagine Kasich playing the adoring role to his superior like the role Mike Pence plays with Donald Trump? Are you kidding?

Dems Pursue Hands-Off On Kasich Policy

Insiders at the Ohio Democratic Party tell SOA that state party leaders don't pound on Kasich because he's not on the ballot and his approval is above 50 percent. SOA would argue that Ted Strickland isn't on the ballot this year either, but that's not stopping Republicans from bashing him and his record on jobs, when "The Great Recession" took down Ohio like it did virtually every other state. And maybe, just maybe, Kasich is as popular as he is precisely because ODP and Democratic candidates have taken a hands-off approach to him.

Democrats have made Kasich their hero on Medicaid expansion, an awkward set of circumstances he'll point to as another exception to his rule of being a locked-in GOPer on virtually all other issues. Democrats seem to have no appetite to go after him. Were they to grow a backbone on it, Kasich-friendly media might find it hard not to cover their criticism, which would be valid, based on his very observable record.

The governor who some say is virtually stealing from the state, now that he's outbound, mostly to venues outside the state, is auditioning well as the "gone governor."

Report: Ohio still has fewer jobs than it had in 1980 as Kasich extends sub-par job growth to 63 straight months

The Dayton Daily News reported Friday that AES Ohio Generation plans to lay off approximately 370 workers in Aberdeen and Manchester at two power plants. Once known as Dayton Power & Light, the news of jobs cuts isn't all that unusual.

The power plant job loss became public on the same day that job growth numbers show Ohio under Gov. John R. Kasich has extended his sub-par growth streak, relative to the national job creation average, to 63 consecutive months.

Kasich Can't Get The Jobs Done

John Kasich on Election Night 2010
promised to "move the needle" on jobs.

Ohio's preeminent jobs number cruncher, George Zeller of Cleveland, reported a startling finding on Buckeye State jobs. Revisions to 2017 data "find that Ohio's job growth during 2017 was precisely zero ... Thus, 2017 resulted in no recovery at all in Ohio, the only such year since the end of the "Great Recession," Zeller told Spinelli On assignment today via email.

Included in today's dreary news on jobs, Zeller notes that the year over year job growth rate (not seasonally adjusted) in Ohio fell from 0.52 percent in January to 0.03 percent or almost zero in February. Zeller offers some perspective, saying that the year over year USA job growth rate (also not seasonally adjusted) rose from 0.45 percent in January to 0.57 percent in February.

"Thus, Ohio's job growth rate of 0.03% in February is well below the 1.57% USA job growth rate in February," he concludes, adding, "February 2018 is the 63rd consecutive month when Ohio's job growth rate has been below the USA national average. This lengthy sub-par job growth streak now extends to five full years and three additional months. This is not a one month fluke, since the below average job growth has been continuous for every month during more than the last five years.

Stunningly, Ohio still has fewer jobs than it had in 1980.

Gov. Kasich, who spends more time out of state than in, as he courts media for more attention to his fabled run for president in 2020, is planning a celebration when the state hits the half-million jobs mark. Kasich has no appreciation for how's he's really doing, choosing instead to fixate on a number, that while it sounds impressive, is really underwhelming, especially for a candidate who promised to be a jobs governor when elected in 2010.

Population Problems

Adding to Ohio's jobs problem is its chronic stagnant population problem. New estimates can be read to suggest that Ohio might be stabilizing population loss with growth, but barely so. Ohio had the largest net migration and smallest domestic migration loss in more than seven years, one report showed, noting more than 36,055 people came to the state than left from July 1, 2016, to July 1, 2017.

The numbers are very small and likely won't prevent the state from losing another congressional district or two when the 2020 census is finished, and lawmakers redraw legislative boundaries to reflect population gain or loss. Ohio once had 25 Electoral College votes. That number is down to 18 currently, and could go lower at 2020, further reducing its political clout in Washington, which in turns means reducing its take of federal tax dollars on a wide variety of programs.

Can Sherrod shed Dem candidate worries with Trump approval high in Ohio?

In a new Axios poll called "Big warning signs for Senate Democrats," the race for U.S. Senator in Ohio between two-term incumbent Democrat Sherrod Brown and his likely challenger Republican Congressman Jim Renacci of Wadsworth is highlighted.

Banner at Ohio Democratic Party in
2012 when Bill Clinton delivered the key
note address. Hillary Clinton lost Ohio to
Donald Trump in 2016 by 447,000 votes

For Sen. Brown, a liberal, progressive Democrat whose name is very familiar to Ohioans after spending 40 years being elected to a state or federal office, the report by Axios that he's at a 50-percent approval rating and leads Renacci by five points is something to worry about, especially when Republican forces geared up to take him down are coming out in force.

In recent email solicitations, Brown's campaign sounds the alarm that the election this November will be a close one, despite Brown's long tenure in office in his home state.

"We don’t have any room to play games. Once the RNC starts smearing Sherrod -- special interest groups will write seven-figure checks like it’s nothing," a recent email warned. "If you’re feeling the Sunday scaries already, don’t worry. You’re not alone. A new poll came out showing only five points separating Sherrod and Rep. Renacci. Now the RNC has the green light to spend money helping Rep. Renacci win."

Sometimes called the candidate Republicans dislike the least, Brown will have to contend with a mountain of money to soil him—as happened to once-popular former Democrat governor Ted Strickland in his race against Rob Portman— and his time in office.

The senator whose ruffled hair and gravely voice are his trademark will also have to contend with a small army of Republicans coming to states like Ohio, where electing Republican senators to maintain control of the Senate in Washington is first priority.

The RNC is preparing to dispatch a huge ground operation to beat back the threat of a “blue wave” this November, NBC reports. “The RNC will add an additional 170 permanent staffers to its field program by the end of March, more than doubling the number already in the field to over 300," the peacock network said, adding, "And the party expects to add 200 more before before the start of the summer.”

Can the Democratic National Committee under Tom Perez or the Ohio Democratic Party under David Pepper match those numbers for Brown, or for any of the other statewide candidates running for secretary of state or auditor or treasurer or attorney general?

In the Axios poll, approval for Trump in Ohio, where the New York billionaire clobbered Hillary Clinton in 2016 by almost a half-million votes, is at 54 percent. In another poll by Marist, which touts itself the "home of America’s leading independent college public opinion poll," President Trump’s national approval rating is at 42 percent, his highest approval rating since taking office.

In 2012, Brown beat his then-Republican candidate Josh Mandel by about six points, a margin that stayed the same from the beginning of the year through Election Day even though Mandel's campaign was aided by $40 million or more in anti-Brown campaign spending. Jim Renacci, who already has the support of Trump himself even though the Ohio Republican Party has not outright endorsed him as it has the ticket for governor of Mike DeWine-Jon Husted, is independently wealthy and can expect even more help as outside campaign cash to beat down Brown comes pouring in.

Portrayed as an economic populist along the lines of Trump, Sherrod Brown cheers Trump raising tariffs on steel, a sharp contrast to other Democrats who say it could easily lead to a trade war and job loss across the nation. Sometimes called the "liberal lion of the senate," a moniker held by the late great Teddy Kennedy of Massachusetts, Brown knows Ohio's working class well and can defend his support of some of Trump's agenda even though the two are fields apart on nearly all other issues.

As Ohio continues to lag in job creation under term-limited, lame duck governor John Kasich, Brown is the working man's working senator. He knows his agenda well and how well it sells in parts of the Buckeye State that are wondering what their future holds, following years of GOP austerity policies that have robbed them of local government funds, which in turn have forced them to raise their own taxes to keep local services running.

Trained in political combat from his early days as an Ohio House Member, through his two terms as secretary of state, and his tenure in DC representing his congressional district in northeast Ohio, Sherrod Brown will use his talent and skills to fend off the many staffers and tens of millions of dollars that will be lined up against him.

It's no small consideration, therefore, to think that since Ohio is so skewed for Republicans, mostly because of gerrymandered districts Gov. Kasich signed into law in 2011, the continued popularity of Trump in the biggest swing state of them all offers Brown and his team lots of reasons to worry.

And like it or not, Brown's name will be on the Democratic slate of candidates. If Republicans turn out in this year's midterm elections with half of their turnout two years ago, Brown will need by necessity to separate himself as best he can from his fellow Democrats whose chances of winning are slim at best, to avoid going down with the ship.

If Democrats don't turnout in so-called "Blue Wave" numbers, that portend a surge of voters going to the polls in November as they have in Virginia or Florida, will Brown drown by that association? Can he build a life raft of his own to keep him afloat as one or more of his Democratic ticketmates go under if Democrats fail to turn out in off-election years as history shows is the case?

Media's concern about no GOP debates this year a curious contrast to Kasich's debate avoidance in 2014

In the nicest, kindest, most tepid way possible, Ohio's mostly go-along mainstream media panned Gov. Kasich's eighth and final State of the State address, calling it a class on philosophy and the "meaning of life."

Gov. John Kasich signs a state budget

Had the state's statehouse reporter crew been honest with their reader- and viewerships, what they should have said but didn't was that the National Chaplain's nearly hour-long sermon at Otterbein University on Tuesday—draped in faux religiosity and sanctimonious platitudes about values and living larger lives—was a premeditated avoidance of the facts of pathetic policies that have not advanced Ohio as promised.

One reporter put it this way: "Kasich’s final State of the State address was overly philosophic even by his standards," adding the governor didn't mention "tax cuts, privatization of prisons, education reforms, abortion restrictions, funding cuts to local governments and outsourcing economic development to a private nonprofit."

Every courtesy has been extended to coddle Kasich for a sermon that left everyone flat, disappointed and confused. Wondering where the beef was, given Kasich's unrelenting campaign to be the next President of the United States when presidential elections roll around again in just 31 months and his call to bring people together, is a legitimate question to ask of a politician who seems to want to follow in the footsteps of a preacher like Billy Graham instead of president like Franklin Delano Roosevelt who fought for Social Security and other government-backed programs to put food on the table and a roof over that table.

So what does Kasich's boring, uninformative, politically motivated ho-hum speech have to do with the race for governor this year between Republicans Mike DeWine, state attorney general, and Mary Taylor, Kasich's Lt. Gov since 2010? Actually, a lot, since both candidates rallied behind Kasich for governor and for president.

When you endorse someone, you endorse their record. That record, going back to his first days as a performance politician in 1978 and then through his 18 years representing Westerville in Congress, shows Kasich to be the establishment Republican insider he says he is. His core values over the years are always directed to benefit corporations over workers, private business over government, charter schools over public schools and healthcare as a privilege instead of a right, to name just a few issues where his values conflict with the values of common people.

How times flies and media memories fade, now that Taylor, seeing a loss to DeWine rushing at her, is crying about DeWine avoiding debating her. It wasn't that long ago, just four years ago to be exact, when first-term governor Kasich not only refused to debate Ed FitzGerald, the nominee of the Democratic Party, but refused to even mention his name. Reporters portrayed that demonstration of pique and perverted persona as a feature of Kasich's that showed how disciplined his partisanship could be when he's in campaign mode. It's curious, too, that media decrying the lack of debates then between Kasich and FitzGerald are now upset that the GOP primary contest probably won't have even one debate between DeWine and Taylor.

And if that debate should somehow happen, both candidates, but especially Taylor, will have to defend Kasich's record. And should any moderator or reporter, not ignorant of Kasich's less than stellar accomplishments, pins each candidate against their own previous support for Kasich, that would be good for all taxpayers to know.

Taylor's campaign theme is portray herself as more socially and fiscally conservative than DeWine, who she's tagged as a career politician with liberal leanings. Meanwhile, Democrats have long confused the reasons why Kasich defends the expansion of Medicaid with why they like it. They've continually complimented Ohio's 69th CEO for accepting $2.5 billion dollars through Obamacare, when he's never once said a kind word about them. Kasich is so full of himself that he's told national audiences he has "no clue" what Democrats stand for. Really, how out of touch with reality do you have to be to say something like that and get away with it?

Republicans in Ohio and nationally have their long knives out for the Great Reformer for doing an administrative end-run around the GOP-led legislature's expressed desire to shut down expanded Medicaid, a promise Taylor says she'll keep if elected.

Poor Mary Taylor is cursed with Kasich's endorsement. It's a safe bet that GOP candidates this year won't be out hustling John Kasich for his endorsement in light of his pathetic record in Ohio and on the national stage, where despite being the last man standing against Donald Trump in 2016, he could only win one state and one Electoral College vote. But because he's a reliable anti-Trump dancing bear, national TV talk show hosts and reporters love to have him do cameo appearances to portray his now adopted persona as the quirky anti-Trumpster who enjoys being out of step with his party when being out of step advances his personal ambitions.

His personal ambitions were made all to clear to anyone listening or watching, when at the end of his speech he said this: "We can't even see the finish line, it's so far in the future. And to my friends, of course, my beloved family, and the team, together we have a world to change."

For the hard of learning reporters out there, "we have a world to change" is John Kasich the crowd that he won't go quietly in his post-governor night.

When debates do occur between Republican and Democratic primary winners this year, the legacy of John Kasich should be a central part of those debates. The Lord knows that if John Kasich said he's done his best, it's light years away from what he could have done had his values been to help the down and out, those "living in the shadows," and Bob and Betty Buckeye who still look for jobs that pay a livable wage, affordable healthcare coverage, and a future that will employ their children so they don't have to go to real growth states to find a good job.

Just so this important point isn't lost, news on job statistics released Friday show that January is the 62nd consecutive month when Ohio's job growth rate has been below the USA national average, a period of time extended to five full years and two additional months.

Kasich ducked debates in 2014, and few media voices clamored about his petulant obstinacy to defending his record then. Let's hope debates in 2018 make up for what was lacking four years ago, when Kasich promised voters "they hadn't seen anything yet," a campaign commercial that foretold the truth better than anyone imagined.

For a change, Ohioans would like to see something.

OpEdiTude: Predictions and thoughts on John Kasich's last political performance SOTS show

Ohio media is engaged in another round of meaningless mental masturbation about Gov. John Kasich's last State of the State (SOTS) address. Will it be a look back on his less than stellar two terms as state CEO or will it be another forward-looking infomercial about his personal ambitions for life after governor, including whether he'll mount a third Quixotic run for the White House?

John Michael Spinelli, Ohio's leading
independent reporter, in the White House
press room. Will he run for POTUS in 2020?

There are better and more fun questions to ask, since answers to the usual questions statehouse media bath in are easily found by just reviewing his previous off-road, made-for-TV performances.

Will the state flag he uses as a backdrop to his SOTS be as big as before or bigger? How many times will he invoke the name of The Lord in his address, since it's his go-to rhetorical device to utter political gibberish and get a way with it.

Will he use human props, as he did before when he brought on stage women who had been held hostage in Cleveland for ten years and engaged in a group hug with them, to distract from his mediocre at best and disastrous at worst public policies? How many times will he bring his wife and his twin daughters into his talk, since he's used them before to evade what he thinks on pointed questions, like whether he would vote for Donald Trump for president?

How much time will he devote to his well-worn narrative of his mail-man dad and faithful mom, both Democrats and pubic employees? Or his famous and favorite story of pressuring OSU's president of the day to deliver a letter to then-President Richard Nixon, who invited the young college student to the White House for a five-minute talk that turned into a 20-minute meet up with the president who engaged in corrupt activities and then avoided impeachment by resigning at the behest of right-wing senators, including Arizona's Barry Goldwater?

If Kasich falls back on his hyperbolic tale that Ohio was broke when he became governor, media worth their salt, who can review archived articles, should pin the tale on the liar. John Kasich inherited a recovering economy from a Democratic governor who indeed lost hundreds of thousands of jobs when Republicans Kasich-endorsed, like President George W. Bush and his Republican congress, teed up the Great Recession and the havoc it wrought across the nation. When Wall Street melted down as subprime mortgages and credit-default swaps tore people from jobs in all states, where was Kasich's voice then?. The recovery Kasich benefited from enabled him to hike the state budget by billions, a curious result for a broken state. For someone who has built a legacy on reduced government spending and whining about government debt, boosting the budget as he did needs more than a little explaining.

Las Vegas or Columbus odds makers would have safe bets that Kasich won't discuss the 20 bills he's signed that make women accessing their constitutional health rights an obstacle race. He won't talk about his role in enabling Ohio's terrible gerrymandering plan.

He won't talk about all the gun laws he's signed that have weakened state gun laws. He won't talk about his partnership with state leaders like Secretary of State Jon Husted and Attorney General Mike DeWine to thwart voting laws. He won't talk about how making eligible Medicaid recipients pay for some of their care, by working hours at jobs he's failed to create in quantity and quality, will make their lives better.

He likely won't talk about how far Ohio schools under his watch have fallen. He won't talk about how his closest political buddies successfully derailed a potential challenger in 2014 by engaging in Donald Segretti style dirty tricks, done with running for president in 2016 in mind. He really won't talk about how the husband of his chief of staff got hired at the Ohio Department of Education, where he then engaged in state and federal law breaking by falsifying data in an application to federal school authorities.

Now that the Trump administration is unraveling before the nation's eyes almost daily, it seems like a missed opportunity for Kasich. But for his antagonist posture on Trump, the National Chaplain might have already landed himself a cabinet official post or be in line to become the next big player in Trump's orbit as yet more Trump aides resign or exit following indictments from special counsel Robert Mueller.

All he wants, he says, is for his voice to stay in the mix after he exits his governorship. His shameless begging for donations to keep his voice alive, while still drawing a tax-payer paid salary and benefiting from all the tax-payer funded benefits of his office, borders on being beyond the pale. If anything, his record should be a classroom example for why voters should demand guarantees from future leaders that they won't use the office they're running for to run for a higher office voters didn't elect them to run for.

Having shown his cards on TV where he has essentially begged a couple of national political pundits to hire him so he can resume the talking-head media role he enjoyed at Fox News before being elected governor of Ohio in 2010, his last SOTS will be in form and substance as predictable as Ohio's right-wing legislature ignoring his major suggestions or overriding his next veto of a bill they will pass with veto-proof majorities.

For big-money TV host like Jake Tapper, George Stephanopoulos, Nicolle Wallace, Chuck Todd, and any other national political pundits who choose to ignore his disastrous record in Ohio because he keeps playing them for fools by dancing around their silly question of whether he'll run for president again, be a real journalist for a change. Don't swallow, hook, line and sinker, the lame-duck governor's flim flam. He has no aces to play at home or nationally, so why pretend he's got a winning hand that will do any better in 2020 than it did in 2016?

And if you just repeat what he says like its breaking news, here's some new breaking news: I'm keeping all my options are on the table for 2020, too. Who knows, maybe Ohio's leading independent reporter will mount his first campaign for POTUS.

Stranger things have happened. Just ask Donald Trump.

Kasich limits gun law tweaks to what Ohio's right-wing legislature might approve

After getting clobbered running for president in 2016, soon-to-be former Ohio Gov. John Kasich has built a reputation with national media on his claim that he has the right stuff to bring people together on one big issue after another.

Gov. John Kasich seated next to then
Senate President Tom Niehaus, one of the
eight members of his gun policy group.

Kasich has tried and failed on too many occasions to demonstrate his so-called healing powers when it comes to thorny issues that divide the nation, and its bellwether swing-state Ohio. His most recent fizzle comes with a weak brew of gun law tweaks he said might have any chance of passing the Buckeye State's very right-wing, pro-gun legislature.

By limiting his leadership to what he thinks Ohio's GOP-dominated legislature might think of approving, if they think that any of the ideas his nearly all-Republican sounding group came up with, he's shown again that when the going gets tough, the great reformer retreats to the merely modest instead of advancing the kind of leadership that can turn a loaf of bread and a few fishes into food to feed the masses. 

As reported by the Cleveland Plain Dealer, the National Chaplain, who's earned this nickname due to his self-serving sanctimonious, political showmanship wonderings about what the Lord wants him to do, offered up six tepid "practical" suggestions to correct some aspects of Ohio's gun laws in the wake of 17 high school students in Florida that were gunned down by a mentally ill student who slipped through the cracks when law enforcement ignored numerous signals and warnings of his instability and potential for committing mass murder.

Kasich and company's gun violence protection proposal orders:

1. Gun violence protection orders: Allow friends and family members to petition a court to remove firearms from people who pose a threat to themselves or others. A handful of states including Indiana have passed such "red flag" laws.
2. Domestic violence: Mirror federal law prohibiting anyone convicted of a domestic violence crime or subject to a domestic violence protection order from buying or owning a firearm.
3. Background checks: Enforce requirements that courts submit conviction information to the state's background check database in a timely manner. 
4. "Strawman" purchases: Ban purchases of firearms for third parties, except as a gift. Current state law bans these purchases only if the buyer should have known the third party is prohibited from buying a gun.
5. Armor-piercing ammunition: Update Ohio law to mirror federal law banning body armor-piercing bullets, which would allow Ohio officers to pursue charges that federal officials might not.
6. Bump stocks: If federal officials ban bump stocks, which increase a weapon's firing rate, Ohio law should be automatically changed to ban them as well.  

In the national debate, President Trump has expressed his approval of arming teachers in classrooms, an idea Kasich likewise seems to be alright with, even though so many others think it's a terrible idea. Last week on a call with reporters, Ohio's senior senator in Washington took the polar opposite position. "It's ludicrous to put guns in classrooms," Sen. Sherrod Brown told reporters on his weekly Wednesday call.

Kasich has been reticent to name the members of an 8-person policy group he convened to look into Ohio's gun laws. And for good reason, it seems, since all but two one of them were ether a Republican who supports the worst interpretation of the Second Amendment, and who have never been known to speak out against the National Rifle Association or any of its directives, or a member of Kasich's administration.

Democrats State Sens. Mike Skindell of Lakewood and Charleta Tavares of Columbus, who have proposed a ban on so-called assault weapons like the one used in the recent Florida high school shooting, were curiously absent from Kasich's lopsided GOP-skewed group. In their bill, SB 260, assault weapons are defined as any automatic firearm or semi-automatic firearm capable of accepting 10 or more cartridges. Furthermore, SB 260 makes possessing such a gun a fifth-degree felony punishable by up to 12 months in prison and a $2,500 fine. Moreover, the legislation which won't see the light of day in committee, would require all Ohio gun sellers to report firearm and ammunition sales to the state attorney general's office.

Kasich could have but didn't ask any member of Akron's City Council to be on his policy group. Those council members asked state officials to ban assault weapons and other murder-making accessories, including giant ammunition clips and bump stocks, brought to the public attention by the Las Vegas shooter who claimed 59 deaths at an outdoor concert from his hotel room. Their perspective seems legitimate, but they were onlookers like so many other voices not included.

"No one is interested in some slippery slope and trying to grab everybody's guns," the Plain Dealer reported Kasich saying at a news conference. Ohio's governor clearly had not heard President Trump saying he would take some guns away first, then let due process sort the rest out.

Offering weak tea when a robust brew is needed, Kasich thinks minor tweaks will do the job, maybe in Ohio. But don't bet on anything happen until and unless GOP leaders stop shrinking at the very thought of doing anything that would change the status quo on state gun laws.

Senate President Larry Obhof, a Republican, said through a spokesman that changing gun laws was not on the table like investments in school security upgrades are. House Speaker Cliff Rosenberger, a Republican, gave Kasich a kind but clear shove off, saying he "appreciated the governor's work." Second Amendment rights continue to be the top priority for legislative leaders like Rosenberger, who didn't speak to one of Kasich's small tweaks. As if to pound another nail in Kasich's coffin on his half-dozen proposed gun reforms, the House speaker offered up a strong prerequisite: "Any potential policy changes will only occur after thorough vetting in the legislature and extensive conversations with the caucus."

This wouldn't be the first time Obhof and Rosengerger would roll over a Kasich veto. In Kasich's final biennial budget, not a few number of his vetos were overrode by GOP super-majorities in both chambers. Kasich has been cut off at the knees before on some of his most Kasich-centric policy proposals, so barking and then getting run over the car is becoming par for Kasich's course.

In further defiance of Ohio's 69th governor, a bill on "stand your ground," that Kasich said he wouldn't sign if sent to him, apparently will be sent to him. If Kasich vetoes it, as he said he would, Ohio's right-wing legislature, that controls veto-proof margins in the Senate and House, will override it. So much for what the governor says he's for or against.

What will do the job is a major overhaul of gun laws that might start with raising the age to buy an assault weapon to 21 or higher, banning the sale of assault weapons in the first place, strengthening background checks and delaying the time period to acquire an assault weapon from a few hours or days to weeks or maybe months. Another angle would be to limit gun sales to any individual until that person justifies why they need such a weapon and whether they have received substantial, rigorous training by more than taking a token class in gunmanship.

John Kasich seems to be a strawman himself, when it comes to the kind of leadership today's horrific gun violence needs. What would Abraham Lincoln have done had he limited himself to what his Congress at the time would have been willing to do on slavery laws? What would Franklin Delano Roosevelt had done had he limited himself to what conservative Republicans would have approved during the early, desperate days of the Great Depression? What would John F. Kennedy have done had his mission to put a man on the moon following Russia's breakthroughs in space technology been limited to what congressional leaders of the day were willing to approve? Barack Obama, defying the wisdom of the day, forged forward with an idea verboten to Republicans to take on health care like never before.

If John Kasich thinks incrementalism turns the tide when bold action is needed, he's only fooling himself when he take baby steps with giant leaps are needed. Appearing again CNN's State of the Union this Sunday, let's see if he tries to convince his Ohio model is the real model to follow. Let's also see if CNN reminds Kasich that while he did back an assault on assault weapons back in 1994, when he was in the U.S. House of Representatives, he feel silent on that issue as it expired in 2004, and has signed every gun bill sent to him that loosens laws on guns.

At each moment in history, when bold leadership was the recipe to challenge the trying times of the day, had leaders of the day relegated themselves to what was "practical" for their legislators to pass, does anyone believe that the kind of weak tea Kasich has served up would have made a dent in turning the tide of thorny issues that otherwise would have won the day because legislators with no vision defined the limits of progress?